Crime Against Humanity Update:
HUMAN RIGHTS ABUSE
NOTES ON CONCEALMENT OF GENOCIDE IN UGANDA Author late Dr. A.M Obote (RIP )
Uganda, Jan 5: Victims of Yoweri Museveni’s reign of terror - (May they RIP)
1. Brig. Perino Okoya, commander of Second Infantry Brigade, 1970. Personally shot dead by GSU intelligence officer Yoweri Museveni.
2. Nicholas Stroh, American journalist, 1971. Murdered by Lt. Silver Tibahika on orders of Museveni, for investigating FRONASA’s murder of Acholi and Langi army officers.
3.
Robert
Siedle,
4. James Bwogi, director of Uganda Television, 1971. Murdered by FRONASA agents to tarnish image of President Idi Amin.
5.
Michael
Kabali Kaggwa,
president of
6. Father Clement Kiggundu, Roman Catholic priest and former editor of Muuno newspaper, 1971. Dragged from altar during Mass to turn Baganda and Catholics against Amin.
7. Raiti Omongin, first leader of FRONASA, 1972. Personally shot in the mouth by Museveni during a morning parade in Tabora, after Museveni’s claim to FRONASA leadership was challenged.
8. Ali Picho Owiny, former GSU intelligence officer and colleague of Museveni, 1972. Murdered during the attack on Mbarara by Museveni because of his habit of humiliating Museveni in the office. The murder was blamed on Amin’s soldiers.
9. Valerino Rwaheru, comrade in arms of Museveni, 1972. Killed by Museveni to eliminate challenge to his leadership of FRONASA.
10. William a.k.a “Black” Mwesigwa, comrade in arms of Museveni, 1972. Murdered during invastion of Mbarara, to be blamed on Amin’s troops.
11. Basil Kiiza Bataringaya, former minister of Internal Affairs, 1972. Murdered by FRONASA agents and thrown into Rwizi river in Mbarara.
12. Erifazi Laki, county chief of Rwampara, 1972. Killed by FRONASA agents on orders of Museveni, because as a former GSU intelligence officer Laki possibly knew of Museveni’s hand in murdering Brig. Okoya or was a threat to Museveni’s ambitions. The private detective who in 2001 undertook to investigate Laki’s murder was poisoned on orders of Museveni.
13. Patrick Ruhinda, lawyer, 1972. Murdered by FRONASA to turn Ankole against Amin.
14.
Benedicto
Kiwanuka,
president general of DP and Chief Justice, 1972. Abducted from the High Court
buildings and shot dead by FRONASA agents near
15.
Frank
Kalimuzo,
vice chancellor of
16. John Kakonge, secretary general of Uganda People’s Congress, 1972. Murdered to tarnish Amin’s image.
17. James Karuhanga, comrade in arms of Museveni, 1973. Shot dead by Museveni and blamed on Amin’s troops.
18.
Hope Rwaheru,
wife of Museveni and sister of Valeriano Rwaheru, 1973. Mother of Museveni’s
son, Muhoozi Kainerugaba, reportedly strangled by Museveni in
19. Lt. Col. Michael Ondoga, minister of Foreign Affairs, 1974. Kidnapped and murdered by FRONASA agents led by Kahinda Otafiire and body thrown into River Nile.
20. Martin Mwesiga, comrade in arms of Museveni, 1974. Shot dead by Museveni after he witnessed shooting of Omongin.
21. Edith Bataringaya, wife of Basil Bataringaya, 1975. Burnt alive by FRONASA agents in order to discredit Amin.
22.
Theresa
Nanziri Bukenya,
warden of
23.
Jimmy Parma,
photographer, Voice of Uganda, 1976. Murdered by FRONASA for taking
photographs of body of Israeli hostage Dora Bloch after
24.
Esther
Chesire,
Kenyan student at
25.
Sally
Githere,
Kenyan student at
26. Lt. Col. Sarapio Kakuhikire, army officer, 1977. Abducted and killed by FRONASA agents outside main Kampala Post Office in order to discredit Amin.
27.
Dr. Jack
Barlow,
dentist opponents at
28.
Dr. Stephen
Obache,
doctor at Mulago hospital, 1979. Shot dead in
29.
Dr. Joseph
Kamulegeya,
doctor for Kampala City Council, 1979. Shot dead in
30.
Dr. Mitchell
Bagenda,
doctor at
31.
Lt. Colonel
John Ruhinda,
UNLA officer, 1979. Shot dead on orders of Museveni, seen as a threat to
Museveni’s ambitions. Museveni came to the home of George and Joyce Kihuguru
at
32.
Boniface
Kaija Katuramu,
33.
James Matovu,
cousin of Kabaka Ronald Mwenda Mutebi of
34.
Bob Naenda
Odong,
news reader, Uganda Television, 1980. Shot dead on orders of Museveni as part
of efforts to create image of chaos in
35.
Edidian
Luttamaguzi,
peasant leader in Semuto, 1981.
NRA legend
has it that Luttamaguzi was hiding Museveni in his house and government troops
came to surround the place and kill Museveni. Museveni hid up in a tree and as
the UNLA troops killed Luttamaguzi, Museveni perched in the tree watched
helplessly. That was on
36. Ahmed Seguya, first commander of the NRA, 1981. Poisoned on orders of Museveni.
37.
Beatrice
Kemigisha,
38. Lt. Col. William Ndahendekire, army officer, 1982. Killed on orders of Museveni after Ndahendekire refused to join Museveni’s NRA war.
39. Lt. Mule Muwanga, original NRA officer, 1982. Murdered during guerrilla war. Reasons unknown.
40.
George Bamuturaki,
UPC Member of Parliament, 1983. Shot dead at Kisimenti in
41. Gideon Akankwasa, lawyer with Hunter & Grieg law firm, 1983. Shot dead outside the gate of his home on Kyadondo Road in Nakasero, Kampala, to blame it on Chief of Staff David Oyite Ojok and tarnish Obote’s image. After the 1980 election, one of Akankwasa’s partners in Hunter & Grieg, Jonathan Kateera, handled Museveni’s petition.
42.
Lt. Sam
Magara,
second commander of the NRA, 1983. Betrayed to the UNLA by Museveni in order
to eliminate threat in the bush. One of the people captured during the siege
on Katenta Apuuli’s house said Magara was sent to
43.
Thompson
Sabiti,
civil servant and son of late Anglican Archbishop Eric Sabiiti, 1983. Clubbed
to death near the
44.
Prof. Yusufu Kironde Lule,
former head of state and chairman of National Resistance Movement, 1985.
Murdered by slow-acting poison in
45.
Enock
Kabundu,
46. Lt. Sam Katabarwa, NRA commander, 1986. Sent to mediate peace with UPC government, was arrested, but was alive after Museveni took power in 1986 and killed on orders of Museveni. He was a popular officer seen as a threat to Museveni’s power.
47. Capt. Robert Kagata Namiti, UNLA army officer, 1986. Murdered by a slow-acting poison injection by the NRA medical services on Museveni’s orders because he knew details of who killed Sam Katabarwa.
48. Capt. Abbey Kalega Sserwada, former Uganda Freedom Movement commandeer, 1986. He was arrested and detained at Lubiri barracks, tortured, his ears were cut off and he was killed by senior NRA officers with Museveni’s approval.
49.
Francis
Gureme,
NRA officer, son of retired civil servant and writer F.D.R. Gureme, 1986.
Killed in northern
50.
Major Peter
Musana,
former head of
51.
Andrew
Lutakome Kayiira,
cabinet minister and former leader of the Uganda Freedom Movement, 1987. Shot
dead in Konge, Makindye,
52.
Lance Sera
Muwanga,
housed Museveni’s family in exile in
53.
Robert Ekinu,
deputy secretary of the Treasury, 1988. He was shot on orders of Museveni on a
peace mission with other Teso ministers like Stanislus Okurut, the killing
blamed on the Teso rebels, so as to paint the Teso rebels in a bad light and
justify Museveni’s aggressive military offensive there. Museveni pretended to
be hurt by Ekinu’s death by giving Ekinu’s widow a job in Bank of Uganda and
giving the bereaved family the government house they occupied in
54.
Henry Mugisa,
DP stalwart, member of National Resistance Council and Managing Director of
Consolidated Properties, the government parastatal, 1989. Shot dead at his
Kololo,
55.
Major
General Fred Rwigyema,
first commander of Rwandan Patriotic Army and former minister of state for
defence, 1990. Shot by Major Peter Baingana and Major Chris Bunyenyezi on
orders of Museveni. Rwigyema had been telling his wife Jeanette that his life
was in danger in
56.
Major Peter
Baingana,
Rwandan Patriotic Army commander, 1990. Shot dead at a farm inside
57.
Major Chris
Bunyenyezi,
Rwandan Patriotic Army commander, 1990. Shot dead at a farm inside
58.
Chris
Mboijana,
General Manager of
59.
Emmanuel
Cardinal Nsubuga,
Catholic Church’s influential leader in
60. Lt. Col. Julius Aine, NRA army officer, 1991. Murdered in fake car accident. Aine and Jack Muchunguzi were some of the NRA officers Museveni charged with killing Ahmed Seguya and this killing of Aine could have been to prevent him from spilling the secret.
61. Paulo Muwanga, former vice president and chairman of the Military Commission, 1991. Injected with slow-acting poison in Luzira prison because he knew details of Museveni’s orchestrated genocide in Luwero Triangle.
62.
John
Begumisa,
Commercial manager of Uganda Airlines, 1992. Shit dead at his home in
63.
Edward
Mugalu,
64.
Prof. Dan
Mudoola,
65.
Dr Francis
Kidubuka,
66.
Amon Bazira,
former UPC deputy minister, 1993. Bazira was shot dead in
67.
President Melchior Ndadaye,
head of state of
68.
President
Juvenal Habyarimana,
head of state of
69.
President
Cyprien Ntaryamira,
head of state of
70.
Benjamin
Matogo,
71.
Hussein Musa
Njuki,
journalist and editor of Assalaam and former editor of Shariat
newsletters, 1995. Killed by agents of Military Intelligence using a poison
that induces sudden heart attacks and he was taken to a
72. Lt. Col. Ladislaw Serwanga Lwanga, former NRA chief political commissar, 1996. Killed by slow-acting poison although he was also HIV-positive, because he was seen as a threat poised by vocal Baganda officers.
73. Lt. Michael Shalita, Intelligence officer with the Internal Security Organisation, 1997. Shot in Kamwokya on orders of Museveni. Shalita was investigating cases of massive corruption involving top government parastatals like the Uganda Revenue Authority and the Uganda Posts & Telecommunications Corporation in which the Museveni family had an interest.
74.
Brig. Fred
Kamwesiga,
1997? Invited to State House dinner with Museveni and contagious poison put in
his plate, for opposing parliamentary candidature of Augustine Ruzindana and
calling Ruzindana a Rwandese unfit to run for MP in
75.
Lt. Col.
Reuben Ikondere,
UPDF officer, 1998. Murdered in eastern
76.
Dr. Akiiki Mujaju,
a lecturer in Political Science at
77.
Joanne
Cotton,
One of eight western tourists, killed in Bwindi national park, 1999. The
murders were planned personally by Museveni in order to scare the West and
justify
78. Steve Roberts, One of eight western tourists, killed in Bwindi national park, 1999.
79. Mark Lindgren, One of eight western tourists, killed in Bwindi national park, 1999.
80. Martin Friend, One of eight western tourists, killed in Bwindi national park, 1999.
81. Gary Tappenden, One of eight western tourists, killed in Bwindi national park, 1999.
82. Rob Haubner, One of eight western tourists, killed in Bwindi national park, 1999.
83. Susan Miller, One of eight western tourists, killed in Bwindi national park, 1999.
84.
Lt. Col. Jet
Mwebaze,
UPDF officer, 1999. Shot in the forehead in
85.
Anthony
Ssekweyama,
DP stalwart and human rights activist, 1999. Murdered and a fake car accident
staged to cover up, on orders of Museveni after he catalogued Museveni’s
murder of high profile Ugandans and the NRA’s atrocities in northern Uganda.
Fortunately, forensic evidence of Ssekweyama’s murder was smuggled out of
86.
Charles Owor,
national electoral commissioner, 2000. He was shot dead in
87. Henry Kayondo, lawyer and DP direhard, 2000. He was poisoned by the same East Bloc KGB poison used to kill Brig. Kamwesiga, which induces sudden heart failure and makes people believe it was a genuine heart attack. Kayondo was a consistent critic of the NRM’s anti-democratic tendencies and Museveni ordered him silenced.
88. Mukono, Uganda Posts & Telecommunications employee, 2000. Mr. Mukono was gunned down at his home in Namungoona the day before he was supposed to testify at a commission probe into shady activities in the company. The killers, sent by Museveni, left with Mukono’s briefcase where he had put files and official documents of evidence.
89. President Laurent Desire Kabila, head of state of the Democratic Republic of Congo, 2001. Shot dead by bodyguard of Col. Kahinda Otafiire. An ESO intelligence officer confirmed to Reuters agency that Kabila was dead when the rest of the world was still guessing.
90. Spencer Turomwe, opposition mobiliser and husband to Betty Olive Kamya, 2001. Although he was HIV-positive and was killed by Military Intelligence agents dressed up as doctors using a slow-acting poison injection because of his influence as a mobiliser and vocal NRM government critic. The government said they hoped his widow Betty Kamya would be intimidated by their murder of Turomwe but instead she became bolder as an FDC envoy.
91. Agnes Katama, managing director of SWIPCO procurement company, 2002. She was murdered and her death was blamed on a staged car accident on the Kampala-Fort Portal road because she was beginning to question too much the huge corrupt deals involving the First Family in government procurements.
92.
Brig. Gad
Wilson Toko,
former minister of defence, 2002 Murdered in fake accident. Toko during a
session of the peace talks in
93. Christine Kania, a member of the Constitutional Review Commission, 2002. She was killed on the same day as Brig. Toko
94.
Deus Mugizi,
former Uganda Airlines manager, 2002.
Gunmen came
to his home in Bunga outside
95. Jonah Mulindwa, camera man with Presidential Press Unit, 2003. He was an eye witness to some dirty dealings that Museveni was conducting in State House. Museveni has a secret room in State House which only he opens, where he keeps a statue of himself surrounded by bones, skulls, and witchcraft items. One day Mrs. Janet Museveni opened the room, saw the skulls and bones and almost fainted.
96. Francis Ayume, Solicitor General and attorney General, 2004. Shot dead by Anthony Butele and them accident faked. Family was discouraged from viewing Ayume’s body. Ayume had been a strong critic of the Third Term project and was viewed as presidential material.
97.
Robinah
Kiyingi,
98.
John Garang
Demabior,
First Vice President of Sudan and chairman of the Sudan People’s Liberation
Movement, 2005. Killed aboard Museveni’s helicopter. Garang had come to
99. Sgt. John Atwine, alleged killer of Robinah Kiyingi, 2005. Poisoned in Luzira prison to cover up evidence of his framing and Museveni’s role in murder of Robinah Kiyingi.
100. Kevin Aliro, Managing Editor, Weekly Observer, 2005. One of Museveni’s main methods of dealing with his opponents since the 1990s has been to hit them when they are HIV-positive and in that way few people see the cause of death as foul play. He did this with Spencer Turomwe and Kevin Aliro, one of the courageous critics of the government. Patriotic sources in intelligence who are disgusted with Museveni’s handling of the country passed this information on to the Opposition that Aliro was actually killed using the poison spray that Winnie Byanyima had feared the government would use on Colonel Besigye while in Luzira.
The Mulindwas Communication Group "With Yoweri Museveni, Uganda is in anarchy" , Groupe de communication Mulindwas "avec Yoweri Museveni, l'Ouganda est dans l'anarchie"
Human Rights Watch-New York, USA, Jan 20: In its 2006 annual report, the NewYork based Human Rights Watch body says Uganda failed to make progress on human rights and its international reputation suffered in 2005. http://hrw.org/english/docs/2006/01/18/uganda12284_txt.htm HRW also says, Uganda’s military courts must respect the jurisdiction of the nation’s superior civilian courts, Human Rights Watch said today. January 19, 2006 Press Release Uganda: Military Must Bow to Civilian Courts
Human Rights Watch-New York, USA Nov 24: The New York based Human Rights Watch has called on the U.S Bush Administration to halt the accelerating political repression in Uganda. In a statement released on Wednesday, Human Rights Watch says the U.S Should Cut Relations With Uganda government forces who stormed Courthouse last week in Uganda’s capital Kampala. Human Rights Watch also says, the Ugandan government should reverse its ban on speech and demonstrations linked to the trial of the main opposition candidate for president, Dr. Kizza Besigye, and end its intimidation of the courts. Human Rights Watch Country Researcher for Uganda, Rone said, “Opposition supporters in Uganda have a right to peacefully protest any aspect of the judicial proceedings. They also have the right to demonstrate in support of their presidential candidate’s freedom.” http://hrw.org/english/docs/2005/11/24/uganda12089.htm
New York, USA Dec13:
Uganda’s Electoral Commission Must Uphold Presumption of
Innocence
Fairness of March Presidential Elections at Stake -
Uganda’s
Electoral Commission should uphold the presumption of innocence and objectively
consider whether to permit the indicted opposition leader Dr. Kizza Besigye to
run for president, Human Rights Watch said today. Nominations for the 2006
presidential candidates are scheduled to take place on December 14 and 15.
December
12, 2005, Press Release
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The International Criminal Justice: Armed Activities on the Territory of the Congo - (Democratic Republic of the Congo v. Uganda) - Summary of the Judgment of 19 December 2005 - NEW Press Release 2005/26 (htm) NEW JUDGMENT OF 19 DECEMBER 2005 (Pdf) , NEW SUMMARY 2005/3
Resolution on the genocide in Northern Uganda, Made to the Episcopal Diocese of New York, Meeting in the cathedral Church of St. John the Divine, New York, NY, November 19, 2005. By Rt. Rev. Benoni Ogwal-Abwang, Rector, St Simon the Cyrenian, New Rochelle, NY.
Bishop Sisk, Members of the Convention, Visitors, Ladies and Gentlemen:
Thank you for accepting that Episcopal Diocese of New York identifies with the suffering people of God in Northern Uganda, especially the Acholi people. I was Bishop of Northern Uganda Diocese that has been engulfed in catastrophic suffering these past 19 years. This is also the home of Archbishop Janani Luwum of Uganda, African 20th Century Martyr honored at Canterbury Cathedral and Westminster Abbey. The ----(what n#?) General Convention of the Episcopal Church 2003 resolved that February 17 be observed as the Feast of Archbishop Janani Luwum of Uganda, the Martyr.
Archbishop Janani Luwum was not only my spiritual father and mentor, he also wedded Alice and I and in 1974, I succeeded him as Bishop of Northern Uganda when he was elected Archbishop of Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi and Boga Zaire. Buried in his childhood home of Mucwini in present day Kitgum Diocese carved out of the mother Northern Uganda Diocese, Archbishop Janani Luwum’s grave is not far from the scene of an LRA massacre of innocent civilians, women and children in Mucwini a couple years ago. While Archbishop Janani Luwum the Martyr is greatly honored and admired abroad, his grave lies desolate among his forgotten Acholi people. The landscape of Acholi, Janani Luwum’s homeland, is drenched with blood and tears of women and children. Evil spirits of death and destruction hiss over the land. Starvation, disease, HIV/AIDS stalk the children and young women like the apocalyptic horsemen in the Book of Revelations.
I therefore ask you all, Christian brothers and sisters, to weep with the people of Northern Uganda, especially the Acholi, who have been weeping for the last 19 years. I also ask you to say a prayer for them. Though rejected, abandoned and have suffered alone these past 19 years, they are still God’s people. I know my people’s continued suffering since the regime of Idi Amin is sharing in the martyrdom of their son Janani Luwum, Archbishop-Martyr, whose bones lie in their midst. The Acholi have cried these 19 years: “How long, O Lord, will you forget us forever?”
A brief situation background
The ongoing war in Northern Uganda has its roots in the mid 1980s when Yoweri Museveni began a rebellion against the Government of Uganda after he was defeated in the General Elections of December 1980. In 1985, top commanders of the Uganda National Liberation Army (UNLA), late Gen Tito Okello Lutwa and Basilio Olara Okello, both Acholi, overthrew the elected Government of the late Dr Milton Obote (RIP). They began Peace Negotiations with Yoweri Museveni and other rebel leaders in hope of ending the cycles of violence in post-independent Uganda. A Peace Agreement was reached, signed and witnessed by Daniel arap Moi, then President of the Republic of Kenya, on December 17, 1985.
Under the Peace Agreement, Yoweri Museveni was to be Vice President to General Tito Okello Lutwa until elections were organized. Unfortunately even before the ink dried on the Agreement, Yoweri Museveni stormed Kampala and overthrew the Okello Government on January 25, 1986 and became President of Uganda. He brought the whole country under the control of his army, the National Resistance Army (NRA), by April 1986. Many Acholi former UNLA soldiers fled into Southern Sudan although some remained in Northern Uganda.
Yoweri Museveni’s treachery in negotiating and then trashing the Nairobi Peace Agreement, plus the previous memory of massacres of Acholi and Langi soldiers by Idi Amin in 1971, forced many of the former Acholi UNLA soldiers to re-group and fight in self- defense, especially after Museveni’s NRA started revenge killings, human rights abuses and atrocities in Northern Uganda, for example, the Namukora Massacre in late Gen Tito Okello’s home village. While fighting the Obote Government in 1980-85 in Central Uganda, Yoweri Museveni’s guerilla propaganda pinned all the killings, massacres and human rights abuses on Dr Milton Obote’s Army, particularly on the Acholi who constituted a major percentage in the UNLA. That is how the Acholi were marked and stigmatized ever since.
But now contrary information has begun to surface from some of the very people who were with Yoweri Museveni in the bush. They are some of the people who have disagreed with him politically, especially with his Life Presidency plans because he wants to stand again in the general elections planned for March 2006. By January 2006, Museveni will have been in power for 20 years! Some of those who were with him in the bush have begun to admit publicly that it was not only Obote’s Government forces, but also Museveni’s guerilla army, the NRA, that committed atrocities in the Luwero Triangle.
And yet soon after he took over power, Museveni relished in the display of thousands of skulls of people killed in Luwero as if, during the bush war, the skulls were carefully preserved for just such a display. The skulls were publicly displayed on the main roadside leading to Northern Uganda ostensibly to show the evils of Milton Obote’s army. But now in hindsight, it seems the skulls were displayed strategically to demonize Northerners, especially the Acholi, and set them up for revenge killings and extinction so that the unfolding genocide in the IDP Camps and lack of protection from LRA attacks are nothing but the ‘final solution’.
Personal encounter with President Museveni
The general population of Northern Uganda, including Acholi, had accepted the change of Government that brought President Museveni to power. The people were ready to work with the new NRA military Government but President Museveni and the NRA Government did not trust the Acholi. When the lawlessness and human rights abuses by both the NRA and former Acholi UNLA soldiers got worse, I met with President Museveni on December 24, 1986 in Gulu. Through a Memorandum, I advised him to meet the Acholi people with a handshake but not with guns. The Acholi had a painful community memory of Idi Amin who killed thousands of our people including soldiers who were first disarmed before they were butchered.
I encouraged Museveni to consult with Elders and Religious Leaders who were supportive of Peace in Northern Uganda. President Museveni refused to offer a handshake of peace. Instead he promised that he would squash all rebellion in the North within three months, that is, from January 1 to March 31, 1987. I told him: “Your Excellency, I hope you are right. But deep down inside, I know you are wrong because I know my Acholi people”.
President Museveni’s three months have turned into twenty years and still counting. And Northern Uganda is decimated. At the beginning of the insurgency, I witnessed herds of cattle, goats, sheep and food in Acholi plundered by the NRA/Government soldiers. Houses and whole villages were razed to the ground and some people burned to death in their houses. It was clear Yoweri Museveni was in punishing mode of the Acholi. He has evidently been in that mode since. And now even innocent Acholi women and children who know nothing of the atrocities of the Luwero Triangle have paid dearly because of Yoweri Museveni’s vindictiveness. I said it 19 years ago, and I will say it now: to the Acholi, Museveni’s military Government has been worse than Idi Amin’s military Government. When I made this same observation in a BBC interview in 1987, my life was threatened. It was the National Episcopal Church that rescued my family and me in 1987. This is why I am here today.
Peace Negotiating Efforts
There have been several attempts to negotiate Peace between the so-called Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) and the Government of Uganda. But President Museveni and his military have sabotaged each negotiation at critical moments when agreement might be around the corner. From the treachery of the Nairobi Peace Agreement of 1985 to the earliest failed talks between Joseph Kony and NRA in February 1988 facilitated by an Anglican priest Abel Okumu, the NRA and later UPDF has used pre-emptive attacks on planned peace meeting venues to abort negotiations with the LRA. After the 1988 fiasco, Joseph Kony accused Rev Abel Okumu of betrayal and had him killed him. The more easily known case is that of 1993/1994 in which Mrs. Betty Bigombe nearly succeeded to bring peace until President Museveni issued a 7-day ultimatum to the LRA. The next sabotage was after the so-called “Operation Iron Fist” of 2002 when Acholi Religious and Cultural Leaders succeeded to build confidence between the LRA and the Government of Uganda from March 2002 to 2003. As a fruit of the Religious and Cultural Leaders efforts, President Museveni himself appointed a Presidential Peace Team that was to meet with the LRA. Religious and cultural leaders were invited to witness. But the UPDF, the Government Army, again launched a pre-emptive attack on the venue of meeting. Again the LRA blamed the religious and cultural leaders for using peace mediation as a trap for them.
Never giving up, Mrs. Betty Bigombe tried again in November/December 2004--January 2005. She succeeded to bring LRA and Government of Uganda Peace Teams together for the first time. But again, the Government Delegation came up with a unilateral Memorandum of Understanding asking the LRA delegation to sign it even before they had studied it or consulted among themselves. When the LRA head of Peace delegation asked for more time to study the MoU, President Museveni announced that the LRA was not serious about peace after all. He ordered UPDF to resume hostilities against LRA positions. That is how the latest peace mediation effort has stalled to date. This past October 14, 2005, the International Criminal Court (ICC), which President Museveni had invited, in the first place, to take on the LRA even before the war is over, announced arrest warrants for the LRA leader and his top lieutenants who are yet to be arrested. Yet the suffering of the people continues.
The Present Situation
In a press statement dated Wednesday 26 October 2005, Oxfam International quoted the July 2005 Government of Uganda, Ministry of Health, “Health and mortality survey among Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) in Gulu, Kitgum and Pader Districts in Northern Uganda”, that was compiled with support of several international organizations such as UNICEF, WHO, IRC, UNFPA and WFP. The Government of Uganda’s own report reveals horrifying data:
Barely a week ago, Mr. Elias Biryabarema, a journalist from Western Uganda visited the concentration camps euphemistically called Internally Displace Persons’ (IDP) Camps in Northern Uganda. He wrote in The Monitor, Uganda’s leading Independent Daily, of November 14, 2005:
“Coming from Western Uganda and knowing the rest of the country pretty well, what I saw in Acholi Bur IDP Camp and the adjoining areas on a recent visit there convinces me that perhaps only a callous government such as one of President Museveni is capable of keeping its own people in such conditions. Frankly, it is not entirely imprecise to describe what I saw as a slow extinction facing the Acholi and Langi people…When you meet such sort of a situation you ask yourselves why? These children, these women have committed no crime to deserve this. They deserve an explanation from their President. Museveni must tell these children why he took a Bible in his hand solemnly promising God that he would secure his peoples’ rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness and instead allowed barbarity and unspeakable wretchedness to engulf them.”
Quoting George Washington, America’s Founding Father, Biryabarema says Northern Uganda would be justified if it chose to secede from Uganda:
“There reaches a time though when a government willfully, to use his word, becomes ‘destructive’ of a people’s rights in which case it becomes their duty to seek abolition of that government. What is happening in Northern Uganda, I believe, are not mere light and transient causes said by [George] Washington not to be significant enough to justify secession. They are a train of abuses by a government that has all but abdicated its duty to care for a people over whom it rules. And the abuses are appalling enough as to amount to a justification for seeking self-rule”
In this article, Biryabarema echoed Olara Otunnu, retired UN Under Secretary General for Children in Armed Conflict who was himself born in Mucwini, Northern Uganda, where the grave of Archbishop Janani Luwum the Martyr lies. Indeed his late father, Yusto Otunnu, is the famous Anglican evangelist who pioneered the Chosen Evangelical Revival that greatly impacted Northern Uganda, Southern Sudan and Northeastern Congo. Archbishop Janani Luwum was converted in this revival in 1948.
On November 9, 2005, Olara Otunnu received the 2005 Sydney Peace Award honoring his lifetime commitment to peace and in defense of children caught up in armed conflict. In his keynote speech, “SOS Northern Uganda—Profile of a Genocide” Otunnu said:
“The human rights catastrophe unfolding in Northern Uganda is a methodical and comprehensive genocide. An entire society is being systematically destroyed—physically, culturally, socially, and economically—in full view of the international community. In the sobering words of a missionary priest in the area, ‘Everything Acholi is dying. I know of no recent or present situation where all the elements that constitute genocide under the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (1948) have been brought together in such a comprehensively and chilling manner as in Northern Uganda today…”
Recalling history, Olara Otunnu continued,
“I wonder if we have learned any lessons from history. When millions of Jews were exterminated during the Holocaust in Europe, we said, ‘never again’—but after the fact. When genocide was perpetrated in Rwanda, we said, ‘never again’—but again after the fact. When children and women were massacred in Sebrenica, we said ‘never again’—but after it was all over. The genocide unfolding in Northern Uganda is happening on our watch, and with our full knowledge. Why is there no action…What will it take, and how long will it take, for leaders of the western democracies in particular to acknowledge, denounce and take action to end the genocide unfolding in Northern Uganda? And tomorrow, shall we once again be heard to say that we did not know what was going on? That for all these years we were unaware of the dark deeds being conducted in Northern Uganda”
My brothers and sisters, Bishop Sisk and Members of this Convention, I therefore appeal to you to pass this resolution. Let this Diocese, the Episcopal Diocese of New York, in the Anglican Communion demonstrate that: -
I pray that you pass this resolution for peace with justice in Acholi, Northern Uganda. Vote “Yes” for Peace in Northern Uganda—the focus of this Resolution.
In its latest damning report titled “Uprooted and Forgotten” released Sept 2005, the US based Human Rights Watch says the Ugandan military and the Lord's Resistance Army rebels continue with brazen impunity to kill, rape, torture and uproot civilians in northern Uganda. Human Rights Watch says the ICC should investigate and bring the guilty parties to book. Uganda: Army and Rebels Commit Atrocities in the North
The Human Rights Watch calls on the Ugandan dictatorship to prosecute perpetrators of torture, said Human Rights Watch and the Ugandan-based Foundation for Human Rights Initiative today. http://www.hrw.org/english/docs/2005/05/17/uganda10954.htm
Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment in Uganda, http://hrw.org/backgrounder/africa/uganda0505/C
Download the brandnew document "State of Pain: Torture in Uganda" from Human Rights Watch!
The US Department of State's "Country Report on Uganda's Human Rights 2004", http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/hrrpt/2004/41632.htm
Download the
latest US Department of State Report on Supporting Human Rights and Democracy in
Africa "The U.S. Record 2004 - 2005
Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor"
http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/shrd/2004/43108.htm
A Ugandan, Dr. Okungu insists Uganda's Military Intelligence (CMI) tortured him. "www.ugandaobserver.com/today/news/news200504077.php"